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- WORLD, Page 25SOVIET UNIONBroadside from the Right
-
-
- With the economy crumbling and reformers fading away, the
- reactionaries are gaining the upper hand
-
- By BRUCE W. NELAN -- Reported by James Carney/Moscow
-
-
- As parliamentarians arrived at the Kremlin Palace of
- Congresses one day last week, they were handed copies of an open
- letter to Mikhail Gorbachev demanding that he "stop the chaos"
- and "prevent a collapse of the country." If necessary, it said,
- the President should declare a state of emergency and rule by
- decree to halt the activities of "separatists, subversives and
- nationalist militias."
-
- The letter bore 53 signatures, including those of the
- Minister of Culture, the Deputy Minister of Defense, the Chief
- of Staff of the armed forces, the commander of Interior Ministry
- troops, the Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church, two senior
- Communist Party officials and a collection of writers.
-
- Startling as this screed and its official support were, it
- was less harsh and insubordinate than others aimed at Gorbachev
- lately. One of the loudest reactionaries in parliament, Air
- Force Colonel Viktor Alksnis has called for the abolition of the
- presidency and formation of a National Salvation Committee to
- restore order.
-
- A similar proposal came last month from a group styling
- itself the Centrist bloc and claiming support from 20 political
- parties and associations. And only two weeks ago, Ivan Polozkov,
- unreconstructed head of the Communist Party of the Russian
- republic, wrote in Pravda that a "Union for the Salvation of the
- Fatherland" should be formed to unite all "patriotic forces" and
- "prevent a transition to a market system."
-
- Apparently determined to put the idea to a test, a communist
- hard-liner named Sazhi Umalatova stepped to the podium almost
- as soon as the Congress of People's Deputies opened last week.
- Charging that Gorbachev had lost the "moral right to lead the
- country," she moved a vote of no confidence in him. It failed,
- 1,288 to 426, but the spectacle was deeply unsettling to Eduard
- Shevardnadze, who asked in his resignation speech, "Is this
- normal?"
-
- These are the public signs of the rise of the right,
- symptoms of the approaching dictatorship Shevardnadze warned
- against. Only a year ago, the liberal Interregional Group of
- Deputies, led by maverick Boris Yeltsin, Nobel laureate Andrei
- Sakharov and crusading historian Yuri Afanasyev and claiming
- more than 300 members, held the parliamentary center stage. The
- group called a meeting on the eve of this Congress session and
- fewer than 90 members turned up. Setting the pace now is the
- bloc of about 470 conservative Deputies calling themselves
- Soyuz, or Union, and dedicated to preventing the breakup of the
- U.S.S.R.
-
- Alksnis is a leader of Soyuz, as is a fellow colonel named
- Nikolai Petrushenko; Shevardnadze contemptuously described the
- pair last week as "boys . . . with colonels' shoulder stripes"
- (both are in their 40s; Shevardnadze is 62). They have talked
- wildly of such things as an alleged CIA plot to unite
- national-front movements from the Black to the Baltic Seas into
- a single anti-Soviet confederation. Soyuz claimed credit for
- Gorbachev's sacking of the country's liberal Interior Minister
- last month, and brazenly announced that the Foreign Minister was
- next on its hit list.
-
- Behind Soyuz and most other reactionary movements stands the
- Communist Party. The departure of thousands of reformers has
- left its ranks thinner but more tightly organized and more
- conservative than ever. In the mid-1980s the party had to take
- the blame for the "period of stagnation" under Brezhnev. Now the
- economy has flopped so badly that the Communist leftovers have
- regrouped and are on the offensive. Says Heinrich Vogel,
- director of Cologne's Federal Institute for East European and
- International Studies: "This is a well-organized empire striking
- back." It is, he says, made up of the "only systems that work
- -- the army, the KGB and the good old party apparat." Another
- German Sovietologist, Uwe Nerlich, returned from the Soviet
- Union last November convinced that bureaucrats were purposely
- holding supplies back from the stores. "There is a systematic
- effort to discredit the market economy," he says.
-
- But there may be even more significant backers for a
- crackdown: the general public. After five years of waiting for
- perestroika to bear fruit, most Soviet citizens have lost faith.
- Appalled by the disintegrating economy and the sharp rise of
- violent crime, convinced that the country is falling into the
- hands of the black-market mafia and fearful that the dissolution
- of the union will bring deeper chaos and poverty, they are ready
- to sacrifice -- or at least postpone -- the pursuit of lofty
- democratic goals so that order can be restored.
-
- "I used to believe what Gorbachev said and that he would do
- something good," said Sergei Popov, a Muscovite in his late 20s
- who quit his job as a bus driver to try to make it as a private
- chauffeur. "Now I don't believe anyone or anything I hear, maybe
- least of all Gorbachev." Reactionaries like Colonel Alksnis may
- get the headlines, but it is the Popovs of the country who will
- ultimately determine whether perestroika -- and its creator --
- survive.
-
- _________________________________________________________________
- Dear Mikhail Sergeyevich!
-
-
- Our Mother Russia, the greatest treasure created by the
- entire people's potential over a thousand years of history, our
- Motherland is under a threat. The structures of the state and
- of public life are falling apart, dooming the people to famine
- and chaos. We are addressing you with a demand to stop the
- chaos, to prevent a collapse of the country using all the levers
- of power and authority which are in your hands.
-
- We suggest that immediate action should be taken against
- separatism, subversive antistate activity, provocations and
- national discords. If constitutional measures prove ineffective,
- we suggest that a state of emergency and presidential rule
- should be introduced in the zones of large conflicts.
-
- -- from a letter to Mikhail Gorbachev signed by 53 hard-liners
-
-
-